The nineteenth Century West was a civilization deeply
interested in history. Having conquered the rest of the world, now the white
man wished to understand what explained his successes. What accounted for the
fact that within a span of two centuries the West had left the rest of the
world behind in almost all areas of human endeavor and progress? The answer was
sought in history, sociology, economics, anthropology and even biology - every
stream of social sciences and humanities came to be imbued with this looming
question. Simultaneously, the rest of the world was assigned to a proverbial waiting
room of history. The West’s present became the future that the East ought to
aspire to; and this aspiration was imbibed by literate natives, educated in
Western universities. The East was now recast ideologically as what the West
was not. ‘They’ came to be described as those other people who are not like
‘Us’ Europeans.
Within this intellectual milieu, ‘race’ emerged as an object
of study. The category of ‘race’ and ‘racial studies’ is a nineteenth-century
European invention that drew from a wide variety of contemporary disciplines- modern
philology (study of languages), history, Linnaeus’s theories of evolution,
Spencer’s Social Darwinism and a good measure of white triumphalism.
The term ‘race’ defies a precise definition due to the wide
range of meanings and connotations attached to it. But in general, it conveys a
belief that some groups of humans are biologically and culturally superior to
the rest.
Racialized social sciences tended to see race everywhere. Early
colonial historians came to look upon ruling aristocracies of historical eras as
people belonging to superior races. Such transposition of white man’s racial
attitude onto history writing, as we would see in the following, permanently
recast how the native educated class came to understand its own past.
F Max Muller was an avid nineteenth-century Sanskritist,
Vedic scholar and a lover of India. He was a critic of Western civilization and
tended to see in India everything that the West was not. Though he never
visited India, in his books he painted it as an idyllic land of gentle and
peace-loving people who spent their days meditating and speculating over
metaphysical questions. His books like India, What it can teach us? and Biographies
of Words and the Home of Arayas, present the passive East as an antidote to
the aggressive and materialistic West. Max Muller’s studies of the Vedas
gradually gave shape to the concept of an Aryan race that built an unspoiled ancient
civilization superior to the decadent, money-grubbing and machinist West.
While Max Muller and his fellow nineteenth-century
Indologists were discovering the ‘spiritual Occident’, philologists like
William Jones were making stunning new discoveries about the origins of
classical ancient European languages like Greek and Latin. It could be
established beyond doubt that these, along with modern European languages like
English, French, German, Italian etc had a common origin. Further, linguistic
evidence suggested that they had all descended from an ancestral language that
was also the origin of Rig Vedic Sanskrit. This primordial common language was
named Indo-European. It was not a real language, but a hypothetical one,
reconstructed from known languages that were related to each other within a
structure of linguistic rules. What stuck out was the fact that Rig Vedic
Sanskrit was older than all ancient European languages.
Racial politics made its entry with the gradual and casual
equation of ancient Indo-European language speakers with a distinct race, now
referred to as Aryans. Gobineau, a French novelist in the later half of the
nineteenth century, authored a series of essays and novels about the imaginary
exploits of ancient Aryans- a superior race of men, whom he referred to as the
‘master race’, that spread out from its ancient Central Asian homelands to the
rest of the world, conquering and subjugating inferior native races.
These ideas were uncritically picked up by a late nineteenth-century
Dalit activist Jyotiba Phule, who deployed them like an intellectual arsenal in
his fight against the horrid untouchability prevalent in contemporary
Maharashtra. He cited European authorities to argue that Sanskrit-speaking Brahmins
were the descendants of conquering Aryans, who were alien invaders. The
conflict of castes was recast as a struggle between an alien invading race and the
‘original inhabitants’ subjugated in their own homeland.
This narrative suited those working on Dravidian languages.
It was now argued that the Dravidian language corresponded to a distinct
Dravidian race twice subjugated- first, by ancient Aryans from the north, and
then by their British cousins in the modern era.
Like Indo-European, a linguistically constructed hypothetical
proto-Dravidian language was portrayed as the original tongue of the ancient
Dravidian race, ‘the original inhabitants’ of these lands. Proto-Dravidian
language came to be erroneously equated with ancient Tamil. Erroneous because
Proto-Dravidian, like Indo-European, is a hypothetical language reconstructed
from the existing Dravidian languages, of which Tamil is one. There is no solid
evidence to back the belief that classical Tamil has a stronger claim of affinity
or inheritance over Proto-Dravidian than any other existing Dravidian language.
At the opposite end of the ideological spectrum lay the
theorists of Hindu nationalism, who shared an ideological affinity with a
tendency in Europe known as the Theosophists. A well-known early Theosophist
was Colonel Olcott. He propounded the theory that India was the cradle of all
civilization. According to this view Aryans were indigenous to India, as was
the Indo-European language, and that the Vedic corpus was the foundation of all
languages and all religions in the world. Theosophical views attracted the
interest of Arya Samajis and by the first half of twentieth century fused with
rising nationalist sentiments. Gandhi and Nehru had both come under the
influence of Theosophist ideas in their youth, and it became a sort of
‘common-sense' during the period of Indian freedom struggle to refer to India
as the ‘cradle of civilization'. This theory was periodically buttressed by Europeans
who loved India and were sympathetic to the Indian nationalist movement.
Max Muller's scholarly position had been that the earliest Indo-European-speaking
tribes may have lived in Central Asia. Subsequent migrations took some branches
to Europe and some to Iran. Then some groups may have gradually crossed over
into the Indian subcontinent. Max Muller dated the composition of the Rig Veda,
which is the earliest composition of Vedic Sanskrit speaking people in India, to
about 1200 BC. Being a believer in the Aryan invasion theory, he surmised that
Aryans must have invaded in huge numbers and subjugated the indigenous people
of India. Being the conquering race, their language became the primary language
of India and their culture the foundation of Indian civilization. He further
conjectured that since a mechanism for racial segregation was required, caste
was invented to maintain the purity of bloodlines. He backed this racial reading
of history by citing the contrasting physical descriptions of aryas and dasas
in the Rig Veda- a dasa is frequently described as being dark-skinned. In his
reading, the four main varnas represented distinct racial groups.
The fallacy of equating a linguistic-cultural group with a
race was admitted by Max Muller. But the word ‘Aryan’ gradually came to be
referred to as a race in popular literature. Curiously, there is little
justification for such an equation in ancient texts since the word ‘Aryan’ is
merely used to refer to a person who speaks Sanskrit and observes the rules of
his Varna.
There is linguistic evidence to suggest that modern European
and north-Indian languages share a common origin, and there is a strong
likelihood that tribal groups speaking Rig Vedic Sanskrit gradually began to
percolate into South Asia after 1500 BC. But, there is no evidence to suggest
an invasion or even conquest. The picture that has emerged through
archaeological excavations is that of the Vedic people’s gradual progress into
the Indian heartland from the northwest over a course of centuries.
By the time Rig Veda was composed more than three hundred
years would have passed since Vedic people first settled in India. By then they
would have intermarried and mingled with the indigenous people. The varna
hierarchy did not emerge and solidify for another three-four hundred years. Therefore,
it appears highly unlikely that varnas represent distinct racial or cultural
groups.
However, it would be assuming too much to conjecture that
Indo-European speakers migrated to Iran, Central Asia and subsequently Europe
from India. The rural agrarian-pastoralist and tribal society reflected in the
Rig Veda presents a stark contrast to the urban Indus valley civilization. The
current academic consensus is that the people who built the Indus Valley Civilization
were culturally distinct. Recent excavations reveal a centuries-long period of
co-existence between the remnants of the Indus people and early Vedic settlers,
suggesting co-existence and inter-mingling. Conflicts may have occurred, but no
solid proof for it is forthcoming.
If early Vedic people were not the same as Indus Valley
people then where lay their origins? While some might insist on arguing that the
Vedic people were indigenous to India, and their culture grew parallelly to that
of Indus cities, archaeological evidence from Asia Minor, and independent
genetic studies seem to lend credence to the theory that early Vedic people
migrated to India some centuries after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization.
‘Out from India’ to the rest of the world theory seems
unlikely also because such mass migrations from the Indian subcontinent towards
Central Asia have not occurred at any other period in history. There is only
one instance of an army from India crossing across Afghanistan- Shahjahan’s
Balkh-Badakhshan campaign in Central Asia in 1646-47. The conquest had been
relatively easy but holding these lands proved to be counter-productive as the
cost of maintaining the garrisons was higher than the revenue generated from
the countryside. Historically, there has been little incentive for people from
South Asia to move across Afghanistan. However, a steady train of immigrants has
kept arriving from Central Asia throughout the history of India. Every major
crisis of grazing lands in Central Asia has given rise to a mass exodus of horse-based
tribal communities towards India. Therefore, it seems reasonable to assume that
early Vedic people arrived from Central Asia in the same manner as other tribal
pastoralist groups from Central Asia like the Scythians, Parthians, Huns, and
later Turks.
History has been deployed as an intellectual weapon by every
major political tendency in India- each group tries to paint itself as the
original inhabitant and its enemies as alien invaders. And perhaps such
political abuse of history is inevitable too. However, a neutral reader
desirous of knowing what really happened in history would be best advised to
keep in mind that historical actors seldom acted with motivations similar to ours.
Gene pool studies conducted in recent years have all given
one unequivocal result- that cutting across castes, regions, and religions, we have
intermingled.
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